Wolemba Pacharo Felix Munthali
Pa 6 July monga dziko, tidali ndi mwambo wokumbukira tsiku lomwe tidalandira ufulu wodzilamulira kuchokera m’manja mwa asamunda dzaka makumi anayi kuzanso zinayi zapitazo.
Tsikuli pokhala kuti ndi lomwe timakondwerera ufulu wozilamulira, ndi limodzi mwa matsiku ochepetsetsa kwambiri pakalendala yomwe anthu osiyanasiyana, angasiyane bwanji, amabwera pamodzi. Ndi tsiku lomwe anthu mungadane bwanji – kaya kamba kosiyana zipani, zipembezo ndi zina zotero – mumakhala pamodzi.
Kunena zoona zomwe pulezidenti Bingu wa Mutharika adanena ku Mzuzu zoti anthu tonse tiyenera kukhala pamodzi ndi zoona kwambiri. Ndi chinthu choti wina aliyense ayenera kukhuzidwa m’mtima kuti ayenera kutenga nawo mbali pa mwambo wa pamwamba, womwe pophatikizapo kuzetsa umodzi pakati pa anthu, umalemekeza anthu amene adatengapo mbali pozetsa ufulu wozilamulira womwe tikukondwa nawo lerowu.
Iyi ndi nthawi yomwe anthu poiwala mkwiyo woza munjira zosiyansiyana, amabwera pamodzi ngati anthu afuko limodzi la Malawi. Apa sizimadabwitsa kuona anthu akuvina magule osiyanasiyana. Ndipo kuonetsa umodzi anthu amabwera ndi magule osiyanasiyana kuyambira kuchokera kumpoto kukathera ku m’mwera.
Kuonjezera apo zomwe zimachitika nthawi yokondwerera tsiku lomwe tidalandiara ufulu wozilamulira zimakhala ngati kuphera mphongo zomwe nyimbo ya fuko lathu imanena zoti anthu timapempha mulungu kuti tiokhale pa mtendere. Ndipo mtendere umabwera ngati anthu nonse mukhala ngati anthu amodzi.
Komano, poona m’mene mwambowu udachitikira – pena pake udali ngati kuti udali mwambo wachipani cha Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). Kuyambira azimayi a Bingu kukhathera akuluakulu a boma kunsanja onse mavalidwe awo adali osonyeza ngati kuti udali nsonkhano wa DPP. Zidali zodabwitsa kuona mwambo wa boma anthu akuvala mochititsa kaso koma mwachisoni atavala chomwecho pa mwambo waukulu wa dziko ngati umenewu.
Chomwe ndikuziwa ndi chakuti anthu amene amachokera m’madera osiyanasiyana sikuti iwowa amakhala kuti ndi amene amapangitsa mwambowu. Amakauzidwa nthawi zambiri. Ndipo mbiri yawonetsa kuti ambiri amene amavina panthawiyi sikuti ndi anthu wamba, ayi sizikhala choncho. Ambirio amene amakaviana amakhala anthu omweomwewo amene amavina nthawi ya zipani. Koma uwu pokhala mwambo waukulu chidakakhala cha nzeru kuti anthuwa adakawauza m’mene amayenera kuvalira. Kodi anthuwa akuluakulu a zipani zawozi samawauza zoti komwe amapitaku sudali nsokhano wachipani, koma ndi mwambo wa boma ndiye mavalidwe ayenera kukhala otere?
Pamwambowo pulezidenti wathu adazuzula atsogoleri azipani zotsutsa boma chifukwa chosaonekera pa mwambo wa pamwamba komanso wofunika ku mtundu wa Malawi. Inde anthu timafunika kukhala okonda dziko lathu. Ndipo kukhala nawo pa mwambo onga umenewu ndi kofunika kwambiri. Komano chovuta ndichakuti, kodi m’mene mwambowu udaliri, kodi anthu ngati a Tembo kapena a Muluzi adakakhala nawo pa mwambowu ndi mautoto a DPP ali ponseponse adakaona mwambowo ngati wa boma kapena DPP? Komanso pokhala anthu andale zidakawasangalatsa kuona zotero?
Kuonjezera apo, potengera m’mene a Tembo adawakuwira ku Dedza, kodi munthu wotero adakakhalanso ndi chilakolako choti akakhalenso pamwambo wa boma? Atsogoleri otsutsa boma adakhala ngati kuti adalakwitsadi, koma m’mene a pulezidenti athu amalankhulira, anthu ena akuti, njondazi pena pake zidachita bwino.
Inde mwina mwake tidakakhala ndi malamulo a m’mene ziyera kukhalira zidakakhala bwino. Chomwe ndikutanthawuza ndichakuti, pali njira ziwiri zomwe titha kukondwerera mwambo waukulu ngati umenewu. Yoyamba ndikukhala ndi malamulo oti nthawi yamwambo ngati umenewu, mtundu wachipani chilichonse usamapezeke. Koma ngati njiora imeneyi siingatheke, ndiye anthu ena akuona ngati anthu onse kaya ndi otsutsa kaya a boma onse azivala mtundu uliwonse akufuna.
Kunena mwachindunji, mwambuwu uyenera kukhala phunziro ku boma komanso zipani zonse, kuti iwo ayenera kusiyanitsa kuti mwambo wa boma komanso wachipani ndi zinthu ziwiri zosiyana. Kunena mosazambayitsa zomwe zimakonda kuchitika pa zochitika za boma pokhala ngati ndi nsonkhano wa chipani kamba ka mitundu yochulukitsitsa ya zipani ndi m’nyozo ku mbendera ya fuko lathu.
Ingoganizirani m’mene azimayi komanso ndoda zidatchenera, zidakakhala kuti adali ali choncho mumautoto a dziko zidakakhala zonyaditsa ndi zochititsa chidwi kwa wina aliyense? Poti akuti TVM tsopano imatha kufiikira kumayiko akutali, anthu ena akumayiko ena akamatiwona tiri thwanithwani mu mitundu ya zipani kodi akamatiwona azitiwona ngati ndani?
Iyi ndi nthawi yoti tizifunse makamaka pakakhala mwambo wa boma. Nthawi ya chipani chimodzi pamakhala mautoto a MCP wa chidali chipani chokhacho. Koma nthawi ino yomwe ndiyazipani zosiyanasiyana, tiyenera kumaganizira anthu azipani zina kuti.
Tiyenera kuzifunsa kuti kodi ndichifukwa chiani Malawi yemwe akaziwika ndika ndikugwirizana kwa anthu ndi chifukwa ninji lero akuziwika ndi mawu onyoza ndi mkangano. Chimozi mwa zinthu zomwe zapangitsa ndi kulowetsa ndale paliponse ndi pamene pomwe nkhani zandale siziyenera. Tiyeni tikonde dziko lathu.
Monday, July 21, 2008
In 2009 there will be no free and fair elections
By Pacharo Felix Munthali
As 2009 presidential and parliamentary elections are coming a lot is happening involving all stakeholders – Malawi Electoral Commission, judiciary, legislators, the cabinet, Media, Civil society , the general public, not forgetting the outside players – all are doing all they could for free and fair elections. The good working relationship exercised by this network with consensus decision is a recipe for a credible electoral process right from the preparatory stage through actual voting to the phase of evaluation.
Malawi Electoral Commission (Mec) is the body central to the whole process. Whatever happens to this crucial body for the election results that will be seen as a reflection of realities on the ground, needs to be the product of general consensus of the opposition and the ruling parties.
With the wave of unprecedented political wrangle that ticks as back as the time when Dr Bingu wa Mutharika dumped the United Democratic Front (UDF) painting the party as corrupt amongst the reasons. It is even more challenging as the UDF out of the frustrations for sponsoring the candidate who later ditched it, uses every opportunity to frustrate the ruling party. The hype of the approaching election is higher than the previous elections. This amongst other reasons is in place due to soar relationship that is employing tit-for-tat approach in political maneuver. This coupled with uncensored language that they trade each other, it worries a lot as to how will the environment be during the elections time.
Whilst the opposition is giving the ruling party tough time in parliament, ruling party uses all the mechanisms and institutions at its disposal to mudsling back at the opposition. By the end of the day there is creation of political battlefield where politicians are aiming every spanner that was meant for the country’s development on one another.
However with 2009 elections beckoning around the corner, such sort of behaviour and acts need not to be entertained. The environment needs to be under peace and order in all spheres. If one sees the opposing politicians attempting to trade fists in Parliament, what message are the politicians sending to their supporters? If such politicians tell their followers to co-exist peacefully, will the message make sense?
Unfortunately as the dust is swirling, with more violence occurring in some areas like Mangochi, Mulanje, Machinga and others, at a time when elections are some months away, it is very likely that when campaign starts coupled with hate speeches from the politicians, the environment will rear an ugly face.
Over the years we have seen spates of violence involving the political groupings. The nation has seen elections ending in violence, especially 2004. Since the coming of democracy the level of hate speeches cross firing from opposing camps have kept on escalating. Exaggeration on issues of national concern is a grievous sin, however, when one looks at the current scenarios, it becomes clear that there are indicators that shows that the coming elections will have faint fairness and levels of freedom due to some factors that instantly will result in violence in some areas.
In the very first place, the opposition parties in the country contested the composition of the Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC) commissioners saying that they were not consulted in the actual appointment process. To this end, they fear that the commissioners might be biased towards the government.
Fortunately though unfortunate we will have to weigh MEC on scale when the campaign period starts. So far the preparation seems to be going on smoothly. If Mec managed to write a letter to Malawi Broadcasting Corporation (MBC) expressing its concern about the fairness of the programmes only to be responded by a mockingly response from Makiyolobasi – mocking the Mec officials – then one wonders if Mec will really manage to put the state controlled and other private media under control. Of course it is an open secret that state media has always tilted towards the ruling party. But there is different approach this time around – unlike before when the president could have the whole lot of time to make all sorts of political jazz on air today it’s the president having a dinner on the state media as well as the media itself becoming so creative that the professionals make programmes that castigate the opposition politicians.
Of course, the idea by Mec in conjunction with all other media outlets to frame a media code of conduct came at the right time. This is a document that among other things outlines how the media needs to conduct itself during the whole electoral period. However for this to be adhered to, there is need for a strong and impartial controlling mechanism. Mec will rely on Malawi Communication Regulatory authority.
Unfortunately, over the years MACRA has demonstrated that it is a highly biased organization that selectively controls the conduct of the media. It has showed that the ruling enjoys almost whole control of the public broadcasting houses. Although, some of the programmes are brilliant ideas from brilliant minds, their lack compliance with ethics of journalism. There is no fairness and balance. If it’s Joy Radio, it is all about tarnishing the image of the president and his DPP, and when the state radio it is all about stripping the personal and political reputation of the opposition members.
Media is such a powerful arm. The political violence that happened in Kenya is as a result of the media. In Rwanda memories are still fresh of the cockroaches’ stories where media played a destructive role. The violence can not occur the way they happened there as theirs were rooted in historical hatred. If Makiyolobasi can ridicule the commissioners, control over media is likely to be Mec’s difficult job. This will likely mean making the state media ‘blue.’
The fairness of general elections is “not only about the voting day, it is also about the period leading to the general elections.” The control over media is by the state is one such way the government is using to consolidate itself.
The Malawi Communications Regulatory Authority (MCRA) is on record to have barred private radio stations from airing live broadcasts of political rallies without government permission. The directive effectively targeted leading private broadcasters Capital Radio, Joy Radio, and Zodiak Broadcasting over coverage of former President Bakili Muluzi, considered the most likely opposition challenger in the 2009 presidential elections. If such scenarios occur, you only wonder how fair and free is information that is unbiased flows.
As the new saying goes, especially in Malawi, “everything in Malawi starts as rumours.” A month doesn’t pass without either reading or hearing of Muluzi likely going to be arrested. Such rumours are likely going to trigger violence. We are talking of a person who is the possible hope for the party to go back in government.
With 2009 elections around the corner we don’t need to always be pessimistic. However with the way the local political scene is, it suffice to conclude that 2009 due to lots of occurrences before elections, the elections even though they can be free and fair, some quarters will likely grumble. This is like that due unprecedented build up towards elections. This is especially when the ruling party wins again. – The author is a Media for Development student at Chancellor College
As 2009 presidential and parliamentary elections are coming a lot is happening involving all stakeholders – Malawi Electoral Commission, judiciary, legislators, the cabinet, Media, Civil society , the general public, not forgetting the outside players – all are doing all they could for free and fair elections. The good working relationship exercised by this network with consensus decision is a recipe for a credible electoral process right from the preparatory stage through actual voting to the phase of evaluation.
Malawi Electoral Commission (Mec) is the body central to the whole process. Whatever happens to this crucial body for the election results that will be seen as a reflection of realities on the ground, needs to be the product of general consensus of the opposition and the ruling parties.
With the wave of unprecedented political wrangle that ticks as back as the time when Dr Bingu wa Mutharika dumped the United Democratic Front (UDF) painting the party as corrupt amongst the reasons. It is even more challenging as the UDF out of the frustrations for sponsoring the candidate who later ditched it, uses every opportunity to frustrate the ruling party. The hype of the approaching election is higher than the previous elections. This amongst other reasons is in place due to soar relationship that is employing tit-for-tat approach in political maneuver. This coupled with uncensored language that they trade each other, it worries a lot as to how will the environment be during the elections time.
Whilst the opposition is giving the ruling party tough time in parliament, ruling party uses all the mechanisms and institutions at its disposal to mudsling back at the opposition. By the end of the day there is creation of political battlefield where politicians are aiming every spanner that was meant for the country’s development on one another.
However with 2009 elections beckoning around the corner, such sort of behaviour and acts need not to be entertained. The environment needs to be under peace and order in all spheres. If one sees the opposing politicians attempting to trade fists in Parliament, what message are the politicians sending to their supporters? If such politicians tell their followers to co-exist peacefully, will the message make sense?
Unfortunately as the dust is swirling, with more violence occurring in some areas like Mangochi, Mulanje, Machinga and others, at a time when elections are some months away, it is very likely that when campaign starts coupled with hate speeches from the politicians, the environment will rear an ugly face.
Over the years we have seen spates of violence involving the political groupings. The nation has seen elections ending in violence, especially 2004. Since the coming of democracy the level of hate speeches cross firing from opposing camps have kept on escalating. Exaggeration on issues of national concern is a grievous sin, however, when one looks at the current scenarios, it becomes clear that there are indicators that shows that the coming elections will have faint fairness and levels of freedom due to some factors that instantly will result in violence in some areas.
In the very first place, the opposition parties in the country contested the composition of the Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC) commissioners saying that they were not consulted in the actual appointment process. To this end, they fear that the commissioners might be biased towards the government.
Fortunately though unfortunate we will have to weigh MEC on scale when the campaign period starts. So far the preparation seems to be going on smoothly. If Mec managed to write a letter to Malawi Broadcasting Corporation (MBC) expressing its concern about the fairness of the programmes only to be responded by a mockingly response from Makiyolobasi – mocking the Mec officials – then one wonders if Mec will really manage to put the state controlled and other private media under control. Of course it is an open secret that state media has always tilted towards the ruling party. But there is different approach this time around – unlike before when the president could have the whole lot of time to make all sorts of political jazz on air today it’s the president having a dinner on the state media as well as the media itself becoming so creative that the professionals make programmes that castigate the opposition politicians.
Of course, the idea by Mec in conjunction with all other media outlets to frame a media code of conduct came at the right time. This is a document that among other things outlines how the media needs to conduct itself during the whole electoral period. However for this to be adhered to, there is need for a strong and impartial controlling mechanism. Mec will rely on Malawi Communication Regulatory authority.
Unfortunately, over the years MACRA has demonstrated that it is a highly biased organization that selectively controls the conduct of the media. It has showed that the ruling enjoys almost whole control of the public broadcasting houses. Although, some of the programmes are brilliant ideas from brilliant minds, their lack compliance with ethics of journalism. There is no fairness and balance. If it’s Joy Radio, it is all about tarnishing the image of the president and his DPP, and when the state radio it is all about stripping the personal and political reputation of the opposition members.
Media is such a powerful arm. The political violence that happened in Kenya is as a result of the media. In Rwanda memories are still fresh of the cockroaches’ stories where media played a destructive role. The violence can not occur the way they happened there as theirs were rooted in historical hatred. If Makiyolobasi can ridicule the commissioners, control over media is likely to be Mec’s difficult job. This will likely mean making the state media ‘blue.’
The fairness of general elections is “not only about the voting day, it is also about the period leading to the general elections.” The control over media is by the state is one such way the government is using to consolidate itself.
The Malawi Communications Regulatory Authority (MCRA) is on record to have barred private radio stations from airing live broadcasts of political rallies without government permission. The directive effectively targeted leading private broadcasters Capital Radio, Joy Radio, and Zodiak Broadcasting over coverage of former President Bakili Muluzi, considered the most likely opposition challenger in the 2009 presidential elections. If such scenarios occur, you only wonder how fair and free is information that is unbiased flows.
As the new saying goes, especially in Malawi, “everything in Malawi starts as rumours.” A month doesn’t pass without either reading or hearing of Muluzi likely going to be arrested. Such rumours are likely going to trigger violence. We are talking of a person who is the possible hope for the party to go back in government.
With 2009 elections around the corner we don’t need to always be pessimistic. However with the way the local political scene is, it suffice to conclude that 2009 due to lots of occurrences before elections, the elections even though they can be free and fair, some quarters will likely grumble. This is like that due unprecedented build up towards elections. This is especially when the ruling party wins again. – The author is a Media for Development student at Chancellor College
Battling against past
By Pacharo Felix Munthali
The political gridlock that has locked the country seems too much. Perhaps it is the sort of impasse nobody thought of when accepting and embracing the democratic rule in 1994. One stalemate after another is engulfing the country. Is the democracy itself, our past, or ourselves to blame?
As professor kings Phiri, a historian of repute, ponders on, he realizes that the country is “going through a phase that is very much a transition.” The country is in the transit. This is the time when “we are trying to democratize,” yet while the country is craving to be a democratic institution, it is also a product “of the past when we used to accept only certain individuals as capable of providing leadership.”
Malawi has numerous individuals. In fact they are bright. Political fraternity is not void of such treasured breed. Surveying through all political parties there is unexploited crop. United Democratic front offers one admirable example. There are people like Friday Jumbe, an individual of sound understanding of issues. Of course, with wide spectrum of knowledge.
But over the years such individuals have remained underground players. Of course, they have in other instances endeavored to show their interest to stand during presidential nominations, but every time Muluzi has cleared his throat, like fielding his preferred candidate or himself showing interest to stand, such gems have coiled their tails and faded out – instantly their dream of standing as a presidential candidate dangled on almost flair thread.
In most political parties in Malawi, the spirit of leaving the party stewardship, especially when fielding the presidential candidate, seems to be no longer an issue merited by primaries.
As the dust starts swirling with 2009 hastily approaching, the candidates for the three major parties in Malawi are very obvious – at least in Malawi Congress Party Tembo is undisputed; in democratic Progressive Party president Dr Bingu wa Mutharika has clearly told Malawians of his intention to go on; as for the United Democratic Front the landslide victory that Bakili Muluzi chalked utters volumes. He is in for it, so are all. For Muluzi, only section 83 stands in his way. For others, it’s absolutely nothing.
With informal preparations for next year’s general elections choking some parties, a lot is ensuing. The parties will have to field running mates as well. Experience in Malawi has proved that the running mates are either very quiet or if eloquent or critical they end up crossing paths with the president. They part ways.
The wrangle that surfaced between JZU Tembo and Gwanda Chakuamba is enough. The vice wanted to be the man captaining the party. At the time the vice was Tembo. They at first held two separate conventions, both won in each convention of course. They agreed another convention. Gwanda Chakuamba absented himself. John Tembo attended and won it. Few weeks later Gwanda Chakuamba dumped the party.
Democratic progressive party had Uladi Mussa, now captain of Maravi People’s party (MPP). With the aid of state controlled media and endowed with eloquence, Uladi Mussa became very popular. In fact some say, he was popular than the president himself. There may be more reasons than the eye can see, perhaps, but he also got the chop.
There is an enigmatically unresolved puzzled of Dr Cassim Chilumpha, Dr Bingu Wa mutharika and the Constructive resignation so are the treason charges. The case is in court especially involving the latter and the former. It is not worth a comment. But one thing is clear outside the legal limitations. For those that know Chilumpha, say he is such a critical man. Be it with Muluzi or the first citizen, the man stands his ground.
In this long journey of politics, the running mates or vice presidents if very ambitious or eloquent have in one way or another gone the opposite direction to that of the president. If quiet they have remained calm. Such individuals have let the president please himself, and his wishes. Such leaders have made themselves semi-god. People praising them always. Such leaders, says Professor kings Phiri, they believe in “commanding loyalty.”
Currently, the dust of the political impasse is not settling, nor is it nearing the settling point. With each passing day it is becoming more unpredictable. Everyone pointing finger at everybody. Others are accusing Muluzi for fueling all this. To some Tembo has an absolute influence over his members of parliament in the House. The ruling DPP is not going free either. They accuse it for not going by what the rule of law stipulate in the constitution. The speaker is not spared as well. There is chaos.
“Looking at the political gridlock on the local scene closely you will find that the problem…is that the old leaders have not reconciled to the necessity of handing over power to the next generation as is usually required in democracy,” he says.
For the people like Friday Jumbe and Auspicious Dzanjalimodzi to ascend to the top of their parties, they have to wait. But for how long? Isn’t this another good laboratory for creating another set of political dinosaurs? Because the bigwigs have established themselves, the young and brightest are quieting. Possibly, waiting for their turn. Waiting for themselves to get old, sometimes very old.
To Professor this is a puzzle: “I don’t know how to reconcile that with democracy because democracy is really about giving people of choice which means you can’t have leaders who have been there for over a generation.”
Professor accepts that Malawi is experiencing some roadblocks, particularly Dr Bingu Wa Mutharika administration. But, he says, its complex. There is more, than just the president ditching the party that sponsored him. He observes that the country is “still trapped in the old way of running things…unless people accept change, [the nation] will continue having problems.”
As the country ponders ahead, with eyes forecast as back as before democracy, soul searching must take place. Malawians are Africans. A chief don’t need a deputy. May be that is why Kamuzu had nobody as a deputy. There is no tenure for the chief. May be that is why Dr Kamuzu Banda was made life president. Possibly, that is the reason why Dr Bakili Muluzi wanted a third open term. He wanted to beat thirty one years record of leadership set by Dr Banda.
Such a spirit has spilled over into the country’s political cycle. To the country this is a problem requiring not just urgent solution, but also a solution that the whole country can readily embrace. The youths must not be told that they are the leaders of tomorrow. When does tomorrow come, when the likes of Friday Jumbe, Auspicious Dzanjalimodzi and others are on the waiting list for tomorrow? All top positions are filled by old guards. Who is to blame, our past, democracy or ourselves? The nation needs not to shrug the past, but learn from the past. Possibly use it to reshape the present, to define the future.
The political gridlock that has locked the country seems too much. Perhaps it is the sort of impasse nobody thought of when accepting and embracing the democratic rule in 1994. One stalemate after another is engulfing the country. Is the democracy itself, our past, or ourselves to blame?
As professor kings Phiri, a historian of repute, ponders on, he realizes that the country is “going through a phase that is very much a transition.” The country is in the transit. This is the time when “we are trying to democratize,” yet while the country is craving to be a democratic institution, it is also a product “of the past when we used to accept only certain individuals as capable of providing leadership.”
Malawi has numerous individuals. In fact they are bright. Political fraternity is not void of such treasured breed. Surveying through all political parties there is unexploited crop. United Democratic front offers one admirable example. There are people like Friday Jumbe, an individual of sound understanding of issues. Of course, with wide spectrum of knowledge.
But over the years such individuals have remained underground players. Of course, they have in other instances endeavored to show their interest to stand during presidential nominations, but every time Muluzi has cleared his throat, like fielding his preferred candidate or himself showing interest to stand, such gems have coiled their tails and faded out – instantly their dream of standing as a presidential candidate dangled on almost flair thread.
In most political parties in Malawi, the spirit of leaving the party stewardship, especially when fielding the presidential candidate, seems to be no longer an issue merited by primaries.
As the dust starts swirling with 2009 hastily approaching, the candidates for the three major parties in Malawi are very obvious – at least in Malawi Congress Party Tembo is undisputed; in democratic Progressive Party president Dr Bingu wa Mutharika has clearly told Malawians of his intention to go on; as for the United Democratic Front the landslide victory that Bakili Muluzi chalked utters volumes. He is in for it, so are all. For Muluzi, only section 83 stands in his way. For others, it’s absolutely nothing.
With informal preparations for next year’s general elections choking some parties, a lot is ensuing. The parties will have to field running mates as well. Experience in Malawi has proved that the running mates are either very quiet or if eloquent or critical they end up crossing paths with the president. They part ways.
The wrangle that surfaced between JZU Tembo and Gwanda Chakuamba is enough. The vice wanted to be the man captaining the party. At the time the vice was Tembo. They at first held two separate conventions, both won in each convention of course. They agreed another convention. Gwanda Chakuamba absented himself. John Tembo attended and won it. Few weeks later Gwanda Chakuamba dumped the party.
Democratic progressive party had Uladi Mussa, now captain of Maravi People’s party (MPP). With the aid of state controlled media and endowed with eloquence, Uladi Mussa became very popular. In fact some say, he was popular than the president himself. There may be more reasons than the eye can see, perhaps, but he also got the chop.
There is an enigmatically unresolved puzzled of Dr Cassim Chilumpha, Dr Bingu Wa mutharika and the Constructive resignation so are the treason charges. The case is in court especially involving the latter and the former. It is not worth a comment. But one thing is clear outside the legal limitations. For those that know Chilumpha, say he is such a critical man. Be it with Muluzi or the first citizen, the man stands his ground.
In this long journey of politics, the running mates or vice presidents if very ambitious or eloquent have in one way or another gone the opposite direction to that of the president. If quiet they have remained calm. Such individuals have let the president please himself, and his wishes. Such leaders have made themselves semi-god. People praising them always. Such leaders, says Professor kings Phiri, they believe in “commanding loyalty.”
Currently, the dust of the political impasse is not settling, nor is it nearing the settling point. With each passing day it is becoming more unpredictable. Everyone pointing finger at everybody. Others are accusing Muluzi for fueling all this. To some Tembo has an absolute influence over his members of parliament in the House. The ruling DPP is not going free either. They accuse it for not going by what the rule of law stipulate in the constitution. The speaker is not spared as well. There is chaos.
“Looking at the political gridlock on the local scene closely you will find that the problem…is that the old leaders have not reconciled to the necessity of handing over power to the next generation as is usually required in democracy,” he says.
For the people like Friday Jumbe and Auspicious Dzanjalimodzi to ascend to the top of their parties, they have to wait. But for how long? Isn’t this another good laboratory for creating another set of political dinosaurs? Because the bigwigs have established themselves, the young and brightest are quieting. Possibly, waiting for their turn. Waiting for themselves to get old, sometimes very old.
To Professor this is a puzzle: “I don’t know how to reconcile that with democracy because democracy is really about giving people of choice which means you can’t have leaders who have been there for over a generation.”
Professor accepts that Malawi is experiencing some roadblocks, particularly Dr Bingu Wa Mutharika administration. But, he says, its complex. There is more, than just the president ditching the party that sponsored him. He observes that the country is “still trapped in the old way of running things…unless people accept change, [the nation] will continue having problems.”
As the country ponders ahead, with eyes forecast as back as before democracy, soul searching must take place. Malawians are Africans. A chief don’t need a deputy. May be that is why Kamuzu had nobody as a deputy. There is no tenure for the chief. May be that is why Dr Kamuzu Banda was made life president. Possibly, that is the reason why Dr Bakili Muluzi wanted a third open term. He wanted to beat thirty one years record of leadership set by Dr Banda.
Such a spirit has spilled over into the country’s political cycle. To the country this is a problem requiring not just urgent solution, but also a solution that the whole country can readily embrace. The youths must not be told that they are the leaders of tomorrow. When does tomorrow come, when the likes of Friday Jumbe, Auspicious Dzanjalimodzi and others are on the waiting list for tomorrow? All top positions are filled by old guards. Who is to blame, our past, democracy or ourselves? The nation needs not to shrug the past, but learn from the past. Possibly use it to reshape the present, to define the future.
A MUSICIAN AT TEN
Alcapone, musician at 10
By Pacharo Felix munthali
Alcapone is just less than ten years old. But when he mesmerized an assignment and test sozzled audience of Chancellor College, one could not resist but applaud the massive talent embodied in the kid.
A standard four pupil at Rose Gardens School, with a real name of Robert Chimwembe, stepped into studio in late 2007. By early 2008 a well-cooked single titled Mwana Lira chiani I was out. It is this single that forced Chancellor College audience, which patronized the Winter Slash on Sunday evening, 13th July go wild with merriment.
As the kid talked to this scribe, for him to record the song it all started because he used to sing it day in day out as a result his uncle, the owner of Dom Dash Production told him that they should go to studio.
“He wrote me the lines of my song. After that we went to studio,” says a smiling kid who aspires to be not only a musician but a lawyer as well.
Hailing from Mchinji, the young musician with all confidence and good articulation of English says he “manages both well.”
In fact his uncle known as Dominic, who is also his promoter, boasts that Chimwembe is always in top five in his class.
By Pacharo Felix munthali
Alcapone is just less than ten years old. But when he mesmerized an assignment and test sozzled audience of Chancellor College, one could not resist but applaud the massive talent embodied in the kid.
A standard four pupil at Rose Gardens School, with a real name of Robert Chimwembe, stepped into studio in late 2007. By early 2008 a well-cooked single titled Mwana Lira chiani I was out. It is this single that forced Chancellor College audience, which patronized the Winter Slash on Sunday evening, 13th July go wild with merriment.
As the kid talked to this scribe, for him to record the song it all started because he used to sing it day in day out as a result his uncle, the owner of Dom Dash Production told him that they should go to studio.
“He wrote me the lines of my song. After that we went to studio,” says a smiling kid who aspires to be not only a musician but a lawyer as well.
Hailing from Mchinji, the young musician with all confidence and good articulation of English says he “manages both well.”
In fact his uncle known as Dominic, who is also his promoter, boasts that Chimwembe is always in top five in his class.
Tuesday, June 17, 2008
OUT OF NCHIMA ESTATE CAME A STORY
By Pacharo Felix Munthali
Nchima estate, situated in Thyolo, 4254 hectares, owned by UK investors called Plantation and General Investment is a quiet place. Allocated south of Blantyre, the estate within it has two villages, Lipulo and Mtamangale supplemented by greenish scenery of tea radiating a kind of beauty never illusioned before.
With seemingly caring management, the estate if you are a visitor zooms out a motion picture that all in the estate is well.
But as you board off a vehicle and put your feet on ground, treading, in the estate, the real view that is rather perplexing and sobering comes into scrutiny. The inequality in the estate is just too much; the gap between the majority who form part of the labourers and the very few who are rich is just a chasm.
Bare-footed children with no or worn out shirts, some having their shorts or skirts hosting patches upon patches glean at you. They smile as if all is well. They don't know what the future has for them in stock. They look at the estate as if was created for them to die there, possibly die as poor as their parents.
A BIT OF HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Nchima Estate is very old, so much that asking the workers all they manage is scratching their heads. It has always been there before 1900, it is a very old estate. Ever since the estate has been there, there have been all sorts of land disputes. There has always been shortage of land for the ordinary people.
As such the estate in 1981/2 donated "land to the villagers" after pressure had become too much to handle, says Moses Masanje, Tea Manager.
Also in 1993 there was another encroachment by the villagers into the estate by the villagers and it was tense - as a result the villagers were again given some lands.
Such is a kind of tale that spills a background of Nchima estate. The estate came earlier than villagers. "The villagers are there to offer labour," says one worker.
IMPLICATION ON CHILDREN
The children whenever they see cars or see food in their plates may be smiling; innocently in fact. But they don't know how their parents struggle, for the work of the whole day only to pocket a mere MK108.00, probably less than one dollar per day, a threshold set by the World Bank.
The children may be proud of their fathers, but they don't know how their future is like. With MK108.00 wage per day and having a family of seven children, owning an almost one-quarter of the football pitch, half of which is not health for growing crops, the money fall short of meeting all the expenses.
"If my son can be selected to secondary school, I don't know how I can pay his school fee," laments one woman who identifies her self as Make Joji about her son who is at Nchima Primary school, a school run by the estate.
ANY HOPE
The ordeal may be tearful; the future of the children gloomy, probably to some waiting for the past to somersault to the future, but there is light illuminating at the far end of the dark and bumpy tunnel.
The programme of Kudzigulira Malo is doing wonders. For the few that have been reallocated are singing successes. Those that are to be reallocated are anxious to be allocated to new places for a song of success to be sung.
"About US$1050 is allocated to a person of which 8% is for reallocation, 30% for land acquisition and 62% is for land development," says David Chinyanya, Community based Rural Land Programme Officer in Mulanje, Thyolo, Mangochi and Machinga.
Some are having bumper yields, selling the surplus. The money is helping the children to be looked after well - at least for a better tomorrow; a kind of tomorrow where the future parents are well informed, feed their children, they don't dream of working for some but for themselves.
Nchima estate, situated in Thyolo, 4254 hectares, owned by UK investors called Plantation and General Investment is a quiet place. Allocated south of Blantyre, the estate within it has two villages, Lipulo and Mtamangale supplemented by greenish scenery of tea radiating a kind of beauty never illusioned before.
With seemingly caring management, the estate if you are a visitor zooms out a motion picture that all in the estate is well.
But as you board off a vehicle and put your feet on ground, treading, in the estate, the real view that is rather perplexing and sobering comes into scrutiny. The inequality in the estate is just too much; the gap between the majority who form part of the labourers and the very few who are rich is just a chasm.
Bare-footed children with no or worn out shirts, some having their shorts or skirts hosting patches upon patches glean at you. They smile as if all is well. They don't know what the future has for them in stock. They look at the estate as if was created for them to die there, possibly die as poor as their parents.
A BIT OF HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Nchima Estate is very old, so much that asking the workers all they manage is scratching their heads. It has always been there before 1900, it is a very old estate. Ever since the estate has been there, there have been all sorts of land disputes. There has always been shortage of land for the ordinary people.
As such the estate in 1981/2 donated "land to the villagers" after pressure had become too much to handle, says Moses Masanje, Tea Manager.
Also in 1993 there was another encroachment by the villagers into the estate by the villagers and it was tense - as a result the villagers were again given some lands.
Such is a kind of tale that spills a background of Nchima estate. The estate came earlier than villagers. "The villagers are there to offer labour," says one worker.
IMPLICATION ON CHILDREN
The children whenever they see cars or see food in their plates may be smiling; innocently in fact. But they don't know how their parents struggle, for the work of the whole day only to pocket a mere MK108.00, probably less than one dollar per day, a threshold set by the World Bank.
The children may be proud of their fathers, but they don't know how their future is like. With MK108.00 wage per day and having a family of seven children, owning an almost one-quarter of the football pitch, half of which is not health for growing crops, the money fall short of meeting all the expenses.
"If my son can be selected to secondary school, I don't know how I can pay his school fee," laments one woman who identifies her self as Make Joji about her son who is at Nchima Primary school, a school run by the estate.
ANY HOPE
The ordeal may be tearful; the future of the children gloomy, probably to some waiting for the past to somersault to the future, but there is light illuminating at the far end of the dark and bumpy tunnel.
The programme of Kudzigulira Malo is doing wonders. For the few that have been reallocated are singing successes. Those that are to be reallocated are anxious to be allocated to new places for a song of success to be sung.
"About US$1050 is allocated to a person of which 8% is for reallocation, 30% for land acquisition and 62% is for land development," says David Chinyanya, Community based Rural Land Programme Officer in Mulanje, Thyolo, Mangochi and Machinga.
Some are having bumper yields, selling the surplus. The money is helping the children to be looked after well - at least for a better tomorrow; a kind of tomorrow where the future parents are well informed, feed their children, they don't dream of working for some but for themselves.
EXPEDITION OF A FIGHTER
By Pacharo Felix Munthali
The eve of November 21, less than 5 hours before seeing the light to celebrate his birthday, the man who had seen the birth of the Federation amalgamating with Nyasaland, the break up of the marriage in which Malawi then Nyasaland found itself in, - somewhere in the US - breathed last.
"My uncle died…after complaining about depression for a long time," his nephew Gilly Nkhwazi had told The Nation.
In the days of Kamuzu, the man who at the time of his death was few hours before turning 78, who labeled "enemy number one" by Dr H. Kamuzu Banda for his openness and frankness.
The Lamp in the mid 2002 called him "the last dreamer." He was a dreamer. He kept on dreaming that even when the shadow of hopelessness was cast over him, he always had hope for tomorrow, a better one in fact.
At a time when he came back to Malawi from exile of 30 years in Tanzania in 1994 for fear of Kamuzu, he was awe-stricken with new Malawi. "The new Malawi I found, I could not understand," he was quoted in press, but he kept on hoping for better, despite fairing badly in 1994 general elections. He vowed to play a role in country's development.
The story dug out of democracy was different; perhaps it is still different from what he left when he ran away to the exile in 1964. "Politicians see politics as a vocation," one analyst once said.
Once they go to the Parliament, they can raise their salaries as much as they hearts dictate. They go to the workshop, they demand money before workshop starts, its money before work. "Who are they representing? Their pockets or ordinary Malawians," question lingers.
During one particular interview with The Lamp, he had said, "a member of parliament must not go to the parliament and ask for money for himself or more allowances and so on." The ordinary people who are the masters should be a priority.
For Kanyama Chiume, he had his own vision for Malawi, but the more he tried, the more the storm forcefully swayed him away. He himself had said, "there is a time when you become a veteran. You sit down and wonder why did I waste my youth? But God has a way of helping anybody. I have still not given up." He was a fight. He never say never, possibly till its over.
Even though the political landscape was not tilting to his advantage, he still had faith for a better tomorrow. He looked at the youths as a single hope that Malawi as a nation is having.
"There is still hope for the young boys and girls at the University and the youth," he had said. However, the question is, what kind of hope?
Abbreviated to a mere horde of juvenile thugs, snatching people's properties, or beating them up even in the day light, the youths in the name of democracy caused torment as they terrorized lives of many.
At the University level, especially University of Malawi politicians have been accusing each other for using the University students in various ways to achieve their various political agenda.
Mid this year President Bingu Wa mutharika said youths "should not take part in politics" They are the future leaders. When is their future coming? The kanyamas, the Alekes and others started it when very young.
Chiume in his twenties he was already against the imposition of the Federation of Rhodesia by including Nyasaland in the whole set up. He was instrumental in bringing back Dr Banda on 28 June, six years before independence.
Banana Grove Sandy Beach, a once upon a time, splendid place that was but a pollen for meetings in the country of a man who together with his friends confronted Kamuzu is submerging into cocoons of scaffolding.
They criticized Kamuzu.
On this particular occasion on August 26 in his book, Kanyama Chiume says, when they met Kamuzu, they said whatever was in their hearts.
"We voiced our protests against the way he treated us with contempt both in private and public; against corruption in the government and party…; and against nepotism in the civil service" writes Kanyama. The meeting that had started thirty minutes after nine in the morning lasted for seven hours.
Dr Banda, according to Kanyama, saw that people had lost confidence in him and the only honorable course was to resign. They asked him to reconsider his decision, after persuasion he agreed. They had, perhaps thought the man would change. They had thought his traits of despotism would be short-lived.
However, on September I, as 1964 was tickling towards the end, Dr Banda rubbished all their demanded. Dr Banda had talked and convinced the other members of Parliament, the group of Kanyama was labeled "rebel."
"We decided to break with Kamuzu," he writes.
How many Cabinet ministers today, even when they know the president's decision is detrimental can gather courage to confront him? The only time the entire nation hear the president's other side, is when they have been left out of the cabinet reshuffle. Some ministers vehemently defend the president's decision even when they do not agree with it.
Born a month before December at Usisya, 50 km from Nkhatabay with his mother dying ten years after his birth, he was the last-born and the only boy in the family of four.
In Tanzania under protection of Nyerere Kanyama lived as if it was his home.
Upon sniffing the winds of change blowing in the country the man came back home. He was part of the Nyasaland African Congress.
When Dr Banda chose the cabinet, Kanyama served as Minister of Education and Foreign Affairs in 1960s. The man was labeled the leader of the crisis and an enemy of Banda with a speech he presented in Cairo during a conference of OAU.
He was a pan-Africanist. Kamuzu was not. That was enough to have the enmity brew between the two. The MCP subsequently gave him a kick.
Before his death, Kanyama was complaining of depression, it might be difficult to tell the kind of depression, but Malawi as a nation is also hosting a number of depressing issues. Politically there is a catalogue of outstanding issues such as section 65, Local government elections, death of Munyenyembe shows a kind of depressing parliament the country is having, the list is long.
He might have possessed some grey areas, but he was a rider, a fighter in the long journey. The journey he started in 1964 possibly opened a door that if some in 1964 challenged him, why not us.
Few since 1994 ever talked of him, now more talk will be part of the skies. The man deserves the state funeral, some are saying. He was one of the few surviving fighters without being honoured, yet bit is possible some foreign leaders being honoured by naming at least two roads or places in their name. Does Kanyama deserve such an honour because he is dead, a man who when he was alive nobody dared to mention his name?
The eve of November 21, less than 5 hours before seeing the light to celebrate his birthday, the man who had seen the birth of the Federation amalgamating with Nyasaland, the break up of the marriage in which Malawi then Nyasaland found itself in, - somewhere in the US - breathed last.
"My uncle died…after complaining about depression for a long time," his nephew Gilly Nkhwazi had told The Nation.
In the days of Kamuzu, the man who at the time of his death was few hours before turning 78, who labeled "enemy number one" by Dr H. Kamuzu Banda for his openness and frankness.
The Lamp in the mid 2002 called him "the last dreamer." He was a dreamer. He kept on dreaming that even when the shadow of hopelessness was cast over him, he always had hope for tomorrow, a better one in fact.
At a time when he came back to Malawi from exile of 30 years in Tanzania in 1994 for fear of Kamuzu, he was awe-stricken with new Malawi. "The new Malawi I found, I could not understand," he was quoted in press, but he kept on hoping for better, despite fairing badly in 1994 general elections. He vowed to play a role in country's development.
The story dug out of democracy was different; perhaps it is still different from what he left when he ran away to the exile in 1964. "Politicians see politics as a vocation," one analyst once said.
Once they go to the Parliament, they can raise their salaries as much as they hearts dictate. They go to the workshop, they demand money before workshop starts, its money before work. "Who are they representing? Their pockets or ordinary Malawians," question lingers.
During one particular interview with The Lamp, he had said, "a member of parliament must not go to the parliament and ask for money for himself or more allowances and so on." The ordinary people who are the masters should be a priority.
For Kanyama Chiume, he had his own vision for Malawi, but the more he tried, the more the storm forcefully swayed him away. He himself had said, "there is a time when you become a veteran. You sit down and wonder why did I waste my youth? But God has a way of helping anybody. I have still not given up." He was a fight. He never say never, possibly till its over.
Even though the political landscape was not tilting to his advantage, he still had faith for a better tomorrow. He looked at the youths as a single hope that Malawi as a nation is having.
"There is still hope for the young boys and girls at the University and the youth," he had said. However, the question is, what kind of hope?
Abbreviated to a mere horde of juvenile thugs, snatching people's properties, or beating them up even in the day light, the youths in the name of democracy caused torment as they terrorized lives of many.
At the University level, especially University of Malawi politicians have been accusing each other for using the University students in various ways to achieve their various political agenda.
Mid this year President Bingu Wa mutharika said youths "should not take part in politics" They are the future leaders. When is their future coming? The kanyamas, the Alekes and others started it when very young.
Chiume in his twenties he was already against the imposition of the Federation of Rhodesia by including Nyasaland in the whole set up. He was instrumental in bringing back Dr Banda on 28 June, six years before independence.
Banana Grove Sandy Beach, a once upon a time, splendid place that was but a pollen for meetings in the country of a man who together with his friends confronted Kamuzu is submerging into cocoons of scaffolding.
They criticized Kamuzu.
On this particular occasion on August 26 in his book, Kanyama Chiume says, when they met Kamuzu, they said whatever was in their hearts.
"We voiced our protests against the way he treated us with contempt both in private and public; against corruption in the government and party…; and against nepotism in the civil service" writes Kanyama. The meeting that had started thirty minutes after nine in the morning lasted for seven hours.
Dr Banda, according to Kanyama, saw that people had lost confidence in him and the only honorable course was to resign. They asked him to reconsider his decision, after persuasion he agreed. They had, perhaps thought the man would change. They had thought his traits of despotism would be short-lived.
However, on September I, as 1964 was tickling towards the end, Dr Banda rubbished all their demanded. Dr Banda had talked and convinced the other members of Parliament, the group of Kanyama was labeled "rebel."
"We decided to break with Kamuzu," he writes.
How many Cabinet ministers today, even when they know the president's decision is detrimental can gather courage to confront him? The only time the entire nation hear the president's other side, is when they have been left out of the cabinet reshuffle. Some ministers vehemently defend the president's decision even when they do not agree with it.
Born a month before December at Usisya, 50 km from Nkhatabay with his mother dying ten years after his birth, he was the last-born and the only boy in the family of four.
In Tanzania under protection of Nyerere Kanyama lived as if it was his home.
Upon sniffing the winds of change blowing in the country the man came back home. He was part of the Nyasaland African Congress.
When Dr Banda chose the cabinet, Kanyama served as Minister of Education and Foreign Affairs in 1960s. The man was labeled the leader of the crisis and an enemy of Banda with a speech he presented in Cairo during a conference of OAU.
He was a pan-Africanist. Kamuzu was not. That was enough to have the enmity brew between the two. The MCP subsequently gave him a kick.
Before his death, Kanyama was complaining of depression, it might be difficult to tell the kind of depression, but Malawi as a nation is also hosting a number of depressing issues. Politically there is a catalogue of outstanding issues such as section 65, Local government elections, death of Munyenyembe shows a kind of depressing parliament the country is having, the list is long.
He might have possessed some grey areas, but he was a rider, a fighter in the long journey. The journey he started in 1964 possibly opened a door that if some in 1964 challenged him, why not us.
Few since 1994 ever talked of him, now more talk will be part of the skies. The man deserves the state funeral, some are saying. He was one of the few surviving fighters without being honoured, yet bit is possible some foreign leaders being honoured by naming at least two roads or places in their name. Does Kanyama deserve such an honour because he is dead, a man who when he was alive nobody dared to mention his name?
MALODZA A HALISONI
Wolemba: Pacharo F. Munthali
Halisoni adamwetulira akudzisilira pakalilore. Tindevu tonga tonde tidali njo! Pachibwano chake. Kachingwe konga chikwanje kadali ndi! Pakhosi pake. Jekete loti mbu! lidali pholipholi
“Bambo, ntenthandevu wapsya,” Adatero mkazi wandodai.
“Ndikubwera mayi,” adayankha Halisoni.
Apa malingaliro adadzala m’mutu mwa ndodai ndipo misozi idamanga ufumu mu malingaliro ake. Izi zidali chomwechi pokumbukira m’mene adavutikira kuti afike pomwe adali leropa.
Makolo a Halisoni adamwali iye ali ndi zaka zitatu pangozi ya galimoto. Izi zidapangitsa kuti adzikhala ndi agogo ake aakazi aNaphiri. Apa nkuti agogo ake aamuna atatsamilanso nkono
Koma patatha zaka zitatu, nao aNaphiri adatsikira kulichete. Ndipo mikwingwirimayi idadzetsa theng’eneng’e m’moyo wa Halisoni. Zokhomazi monga ichitira mvula ya matalala ukaukulunga mpala, zidapangitsa Halisoni kuti sukulu ayisiye mufolomu ya chiwiri.
Pang’onopang’no ngati tsokonombwe, Halisoni adapeza ntchito pakampani yowotcherera zitsulo mu tawuni ya Wakwithu.
Podziwa kuti fodya wako ndi amene ali pamphuno, Halisoni amagwira ntchito ndi mtima wake wonse. Izi zidachititsa kuti adzikwezedwa maudindo pafupipafupi.
Pokhala kuti pakampanipo azungu amakondapo kwambiri, iwo akamabwerere kwao katundu wao ankasiyira Halisoni. Chifukwa cha ichi, Halisoni adakhala munthu wopata. Adali ndi galimoto komanso nyumba yolozeka ndipo samasowa kanthu pakhomo pake.
“Bambo tiyi akuziziratu kuno.” Adamukumbutsa chomwecho mkazi wake wa Halisoni.
Atathana naye kazutsayo Halisoni adauyatsa ulendo wakuntchito monga mwachizolowezi.
Kuchoka tsiku lomwe mzungu wina wake waku Kosovo adamusiyira njinga ya moto chifukwa cha luntha lake pakagwiridwe ka ntchito anthu ambiri amamuchitira dumbo.
Koma iye sadalabade, m’malo mwake adapitiriza kugwira ntchito mothetsa makhang’a. Iye amachita izi podziwa kuti kulimbikira kulibe mlowam’malo.
Iye adali ndi ntchito yowonetsetsa kuti zinthu zonse zili bwino nthawi yotsegula kapena kutseka ikafika.
Ngakhale zinthu zimayenda mwa myaa! chomwechi, padali chipsinjo chimodzi pakampanipo chomwe chimamulondalonda ngati chithuzithunzi. Chipsinjocho ndiye Chidyangu, yemwe adali wachiwiri kwa iye.
Chidyangu adali ndi mbiri osati yongododometsa komanso yoopsya. Iye pokhala munthu woti ndi wachipembezo chimodzi ndi bwana, nthawi zambiri ndi bwanayo amakhala limodzi. Mukutero chilichonse iye anganene bwanayo ankangovomereza.
Nthawi zambiri Halisoni amada nkhawa kuti mwina mutu wake utupa akamaganiza za Chidyangu.
Halisoni alichiyendere ulendo wakuntchito, ntima wake udagunda mwadzidzi. Malingaliro atsiku lotsatiralo adamufikira. Adakumbuka kuti dzulo lakero adasiira Chidyangu makiyi akuntchito pamene anadwala mwadzidzi ndipo adaweluka mofulumira. Nthawi imeneyi nkuti bwana wankulu pakampanipo atapita ku Jubeki ndipo amayembekezeredwa kubwera tsiku limeneli. Chomwe chidamuwawa kwambiri chidali choti bwana adanenetsa kuti makiyi asamasiyire aliyense kupatula bwanayo. Chidali chachidziwikire kuti bwana akamva izi akhala wokwiya kwambiri.
Patsikuli akufika kuntchito mtima wake udadayamba kugunda modetsa nkhawa ngati utuluka m’chimake. Nalo thupi lidachita tsemwe ngati mwanapiye wogwera m’chithaphwi. Nkhawa yasasimbika idamupeza Poona anthu pantchitopo ali khumakhuma ngati abongololo onamizira kufa ndipo nkhope zawo zidavala chisoni.
Halisoni adayetsetsa kufulumira poyenda koma kungwangwangwa kwa maondo ake kudamuchitira njiru. Apa adadziwiratu kuti zinthu zasolobana
“Bambo Halisoni, tafotokozani za zomwe zachitika apazi.” Adatero bwana wankulu pakampanipo. Nthawi imeneyi nkuti atangofika kumene kuchokera ku South africa. Zitseko za maofesi a pakampanipo zidali zitathyoledwa, ndipo katundu wambiri adakwangwanulidwa. Halisoni adangoima kusowa chonena ngati waphonya penate. Sadakhulupilire zomwe maso ake ankaona.
“Ndi-ndi-ndi-ndidamusiyira Chi-chi-dyangu,” adayankha mwachibwibwi, ndipo m’maso muli gwa! bwanayo adamuuza Halisoni kuti yake yawuma. Kukhala ngati kutokosola pabala ndi kamtengo pa dzino lobooka, Halisoni adauzidwa kuti katundu wake alandidwa kuti akagulitsidwe pobwezeretsa katundu yemwe wabetsa.
Halisoni adazweta mutu, ndipo chokamba chidamusowa monga momwe achitira mwana akaona kholo lake likubuula chifukwa cholumidwa ndi mavu.Adadziwa kuti Chidyangu adamuyenda pansi ndipo sadakayike. Kwa iye dziko lidachita chipidigoli. Nacho chimdima cha nzanga ali pati chidadzinga m’maso mwake ndipo sadakhulupilire zomwe zinkachitikazo. Adaona ngati kutulo.
Mwadzidzi, adagwa pansi ngati thumba la kachewere, ndipo adakomoka nthawi yomweyo.
Halisoni adamwetulira akudzisilira pakalilore. Tindevu tonga tonde tidali njo! Pachibwano chake. Kachingwe konga chikwanje kadali ndi! Pakhosi pake. Jekete loti mbu! lidali pholipholi
“Bambo, ntenthandevu wapsya,” Adatero mkazi wandodai.
“Ndikubwera mayi,” adayankha Halisoni.
Apa malingaliro adadzala m’mutu mwa ndodai ndipo misozi idamanga ufumu mu malingaliro ake. Izi zidali chomwechi pokumbukira m’mene adavutikira kuti afike pomwe adali leropa.
Makolo a Halisoni adamwali iye ali ndi zaka zitatu pangozi ya galimoto. Izi zidapangitsa kuti adzikhala ndi agogo ake aakazi aNaphiri. Apa nkuti agogo ake aamuna atatsamilanso nkono
Koma patatha zaka zitatu, nao aNaphiri adatsikira kulichete. Ndipo mikwingwirimayi idadzetsa theng’eneng’e m’moyo wa Halisoni. Zokhomazi monga ichitira mvula ya matalala ukaukulunga mpala, zidapangitsa Halisoni kuti sukulu ayisiye mufolomu ya chiwiri.
Pang’onopang’no ngati tsokonombwe, Halisoni adapeza ntchito pakampani yowotcherera zitsulo mu tawuni ya Wakwithu.
Podziwa kuti fodya wako ndi amene ali pamphuno, Halisoni amagwira ntchito ndi mtima wake wonse. Izi zidachititsa kuti adzikwezedwa maudindo pafupipafupi.
Pokhala kuti pakampanipo azungu amakondapo kwambiri, iwo akamabwerere kwao katundu wao ankasiyira Halisoni. Chifukwa cha ichi, Halisoni adakhala munthu wopata. Adali ndi galimoto komanso nyumba yolozeka ndipo samasowa kanthu pakhomo pake.
“Bambo tiyi akuziziratu kuno.” Adamukumbutsa chomwecho mkazi wake wa Halisoni.
Atathana naye kazutsayo Halisoni adauyatsa ulendo wakuntchito monga mwachizolowezi.
Kuchoka tsiku lomwe mzungu wina wake waku Kosovo adamusiyira njinga ya moto chifukwa cha luntha lake pakagwiridwe ka ntchito anthu ambiri amamuchitira dumbo.
Koma iye sadalabade, m’malo mwake adapitiriza kugwira ntchito mothetsa makhang’a. Iye amachita izi podziwa kuti kulimbikira kulibe mlowam’malo.
Iye adali ndi ntchito yowonetsetsa kuti zinthu zonse zili bwino nthawi yotsegula kapena kutseka ikafika.
Ngakhale zinthu zimayenda mwa myaa! chomwechi, padali chipsinjo chimodzi pakampanipo chomwe chimamulondalonda ngati chithuzithunzi. Chipsinjocho ndiye Chidyangu, yemwe adali wachiwiri kwa iye.
Chidyangu adali ndi mbiri osati yongododometsa komanso yoopsya. Iye pokhala munthu woti ndi wachipembezo chimodzi ndi bwana, nthawi zambiri ndi bwanayo amakhala limodzi. Mukutero chilichonse iye anganene bwanayo ankangovomereza.
Nthawi zambiri Halisoni amada nkhawa kuti mwina mutu wake utupa akamaganiza za Chidyangu.
Halisoni alichiyendere ulendo wakuntchito, ntima wake udagunda mwadzidzi. Malingaliro atsiku lotsatiralo adamufikira. Adakumbuka kuti dzulo lakero adasiira Chidyangu makiyi akuntchito pamene anadwala mwadzidzi ndipo adaweluka mofulumira. Nthawi imeneyi nkuti bwana wankulu pakampanipo atapita ku Jubeki ndipo amayembekezeredwa kubwera tsiku limeneli. Chomwe chidamuwawa kwambiri chidali choti bwana adanenetsa kuti makiyi asamasiyire aliyense kupatula bwanayo. Chidali chachidziwikire kuti bwana akamva izi akhala wokwiya kwambiri.
Patsikuli akufika kuntchito mtima wake udadayamba kugunda modetsa nkhawa ngati utuluka m’chimake. Nalo thupi lidachita tsemwe ngati mwanapiye wogwera m’chithaphwi. Nkhawa yasasimbika idamupeza Poona anthu pantchitopo ali khumakhuma ngati abongololo onamizira kufa ndipo nkhope zawo zidavala chisoni.
Halisoni adayetsetsa kufulumira poyenda koma kungwangwangwa kwa maondo ake kudamuchitira njiru. Apa adadziwiratu kuti zinthu zasolobana
“Bambo Halisoni, tafotokozani za zomwe zachitika apazi.” Adatero bwana wankulu pakampanipo. Nthawi imeneyi nkuti atangofika kumene kuchokera ku South africa. Zitseko za maofesi a pakampanipo zidali zitathyoledwa, ndipo katundu wambiri adakwangwanulidwa. Halisoni adangoima kusowa chonena ngati waphonya penate. Sadakhulupilire zomwe maso ake ankaona.
“Ndi-ndi-ndi-ndidamusiyira Chi-chi-dyangu,” adayankha mwachibwibwi, ndipo m’maso muli gwa! bwanayo adamuuza Halisoni kuti yake yawuma. Kukhala ngati kutokosola pabala ndi kamtengo pa dzino lobooka, Halisoni adauzidwa kuti katundu wake alandidwa kuti akagulitsidwe pobwezeretsa katundu yemwe wabetsa.
Halisoni adazweta mutu, ndipo chokamba chidamusowa monga momwe achitira mwana akaona kholo lake likubuula chifukwa cholumidwa ndi mavu.Adadziwa kuti Chidyangu adamuyenda pansi ndipo sadakayike. Kwa iye dziko lidachita chipidigoli. Nacho chimdima cha nzanga ali pati chidadzinga m’maso mwake ndipo sadakhulupilire zomwe zinkachitikazo. Adaona ngati kutulo.
Mwadzidzi, adagwa pansi ngati thumba la kachewere, ndipo adakomoka nthawi yomweyo.
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